What Happens When Church Authority Undermines Civil Authority?

The civil authority is right to conduct deportations.

Tail Gunner Joe is a former Publius Fellow and writer based in the Washington, D.C. area.

The clash between the the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB) and the newly-minted Trump Administration has led to a volley of exchanges on the proper role of the Church. The recent selection of liberal cardinals like Robert McElroy of San Diego to lead the Catholic Church in Washington, D.C. was a “#Resistance” signal from the Church. McElroy’s call for Catholics to “become disruptors” under the first Trump Administration and his criticism of the campaign to exclude pro-abortion Catholic politicians from receiving Communion showcases his true loyalties.

Pope Francis criticized that effort as well, remarking that bishops must be pastors, not politicians. It is curious that the pope has now called President Trump’s plan to deport millions of illegal aliens “a disgrace” in an open letter to America’s Catholic bishops. If the Church insists on undermining the Trump Administration’s deportation policies, this only exposes the Church to more possible schisms at a time when devout, conservative Catholics are responsible for revitalizing entire congregations.

The USCCB’s broadside against the Trump Administration puts the Church in political crosshairs at a time when other religious organizations are being exposed for undermining the rule of law across America. The USCCB has received millions in federal funding to resettlement of immigrants. Indeed, USCCB President Archbishop Timothy Broglio warned of “negative consequences” over Trump’s executive orders related to immigration. Bishop Mark Seitz, chairman of USCCB’s Committee of Migration stated that “national self-interest does not justify policies with consequences contrary to the moral law.”

Yet, the Vatican is allowed to increase fines and prison sentences for those who illegally enter parts of the city where free access is not allowed and does so without hesitation or condemnation from abroad. Therefore, what should be the proper response by civil authorities when the church seeks to undermine its authority? The life of the Roman Empire’s first Christian ruler, Constantine, offers insight into the proper role of civil versus church authority. Constantine experienced a vision of the Cross, made out of light, in the sky before he was set to do battle. He won said battle, converted to Christianity, and decriminalized Christianity ending persecution of the Church under his reign.

Constantine also provided the Church, still reeling from decades of official persecution, resources and patronage, which helped even more people hear the word of God for the first time. By 380 A.D., Christianity was the official religion of the Roman Empire. Constantine’s backing of the early Church gave Christianity its first dosage of political legitimacy, buttressing its appeal to the empire. Constantine’s financing of basilicas, granting of tax-exempt status to clergy, and appointment of Christians to high-ranking positions in the empire gave the Church massive political and cultural power.

Civil authorities can also be the source of schisms. Henry VIII broke from the Catholic Church in 1530 after the pope refused to annul the king’s marriages. When Henry chose to defy the pope and create his own church to annul his marriage, he ordered the destruction of shrines, the dissolution of monasteries, and ushered in centuries of war between Catholics and Protestants across Europe. Regardless of the schism today, no Catholic or Protestant would attest that these religious wars that killed thousands of Christians were a positive development within the West.

In both the examples of Constantine and Henry VIII, entangling the Church with the civil authorities can lead to either positive or negative returns. Therefore, the question is not whether the Church is a political institution, but whether the politics it engages in is good or bad for the nation. Look no further than the recent lawsuit filed by USCCB over the Trump Administration’s halting of funding for refugee resettlement. By supporting open borders, without question, it is bad.

The Church must ultimately decide whether it prioritizes federal funding for its own projects over what should be its commitment to the health of nations reeling from the consequences of immigration. The Church, consolidating its own domestic political power within the America, risks further undermining trust in an institution that already is under siege from every corner of society. It is important to remember, after all, that the USCCB possesses no canonical authority. If the organization continues to undermine the justly exercised power of the American nation to secure its border, it must be opposed at every turn.

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